THEBLACKBOOK AUDIT
Investigation · The Far-Right International Hub

“MAGA’s man in Latin America,” charged with a murder-for-hire

Fernando Cerimedo helped elect a wave of far-right presidents across the hemisphere. In August 2026 he was arrested in Bolivia, accused of ordering a hit on his ex-partner — who survived three bullets and named him from her hospital bed.

The résumé is documented and the arrest is real; his guilt in the plot is for a court to decide, and we say so. We also separate what’s proven from what isn’t: the viral claim that Cerimedo ran a “CIA network” funneling dark money to Trump-picked candidates is not something we can assert as fact — but rather than bury it, we raise the funding and foreign-involvement questions it points to as questions the public should be demanding answers to.

§1 · Summary Brief

What this page is about

Fernando Cerimedo, 42, is an Argentine political consultant who became one of the most influential operatives of Latin America’s far-right wave. He was a main strategist behind Javier Milei’s 2023 Argentine campaign, a “personal consultant” to Bolivian President Rodrigo Paz, an ally of Eduardo Bolsonaro in Brazil, and was profiled by The Economist as “MAGA’s man” in the region — credited with helping win Donald Trump’s endorsement of the winning right-wing candidate in Honduras.

On August 18, 2026, he was arrested at a Bolivian airport, accused of ordering the shooting of Nadia Beller, a lawyer with whom he had been in a relationship. Beller was shot three times by men disguised as delivery riders, survived, and told police she believed Cerimedo had lured her into a trap. A judge ordered him held in preventive detention on an attempted-femicide accusation; he denies involvement. This page grades his documented record as fact, holds his guilt in the attack to the presumption of innocence, and — rather than dismiss the unproven intelligence-and-funding claims that spread online — raises the legitimate questions underneath them as questions demanding answers.

What we are NOT saying
We are not asserting Cerimedo is guilty of the attack — he is charged and jailed pending investigation, denies it, and is entitled to the presumption of innocence. And we are not asserting, as a finding, the viral framing (from The Grayzone and the victim’s own allegations) that he ran a “vast network of CIA assets” laundering “dark money” to Trump-endorsed candidates: that specific conclusion is single-sourced and undocumented, and we do not put it in our voice as fact. We do not, however, dismiss the questions it raises — about who financed this network and what role, if any, US institutions played — which we pose openly below. Everything graded FACT is drawn from the Guardian, Reuters, El País, The Economist, and Brazilian and Bolivian outlets.
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The Far-Right International

“MAGA’s man in Latin America,” charged with a murder-for-hire.

Fernando Cerimedo helped elect far-right presidents across the hemisphere — then was arrested in Bolivia, accused of ordering a hit on his ex-partner, who survived three shots and named him from her hospital bed.

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§2 · The Record

The fixer, the disinformation, and the attack

He is a documented strategist behind the hemisphere's far-right wave.

FACT

Cerimedo is not a bystander to Latin America's rightward turn; he helped engineer it. He was one of the main strategists behind Javier Milei's 2023 Argentine presidential campaign, worked as a 'personal consultant' to Bolivian President Rodrigo Paz Pereira (the presidency confirmed the role while noting he held no government post), and is an ally of Brazil's Eduardo Bolsonaro. The Economist profiled him in December 2025 as 'MAGA's man in Latin America,' and he is credited with helping secure Donald Trump's endorsement of Nasry 'Tito' Asfura, who won Honduras's December 2025 presidential election. His influence across at least four countries is documented, not alleged.

His trade includes documented election disinformation — and a coup-probe co-conspirator listing.

FACT

Cerimedo's political work is bound up with false election-fraud narratives. In 2022 he ran livestreamed presentations pushing false claims that Brazil's electronic voting system had been rigged against Jair Bolsonaro — content that drew the scrutiny of Brazilian prosecutors and courts. He was subsequently named as a co-conspirator by the Brazilian judiciary in its investigation into the January 2023 attempt to overturn that election. We grade as FACT that he produced the false-fraud content and that he was named in the coup-attempt probe; the ultimate disposition of the Brazilian proceedings is a separate, open question.

August 2026: a lawyer is shot three times; her ex-partner is arrested and jailed pending trial.

PROBABLY TRUE

On the night of August 17, 2026, Nadia Beller — a Bolivian lawyer who, according to local media, had been in a relationship with the married Cerimedo — was shot three times by two men disguised as delivery riders outside a hotel in Santa Cruz de la Sierra; CCTV captured the attack. She survived. Beller told police she had been lured to the hotel by anonymous messages promising evidence against leftist former president Evo Morales, and that she believed Cerimedo orchestrated the trap. Cerimedo was arrested at the Santa Cruz airport on August 18 and ordered held in 180-day preventive detention at Palmasola prison on an accusation of attempted femicide; prosecutors said they presented messages allegedly sent by him. His lawyer denies the accusation, saying Cerimedo had come to visit Beller in the hospital. The shooting, the arrest, and the detention order are FACT; his guilt is charged, not proven, and we hold the presumption of innocence.

The intelligence-and-funding claim is unproven — but we don't drop it; we ask it.

SOME SMOKE

A widely shared thread from The Grayzone — an outlet that has reported on US intelligence and election interference for over a decade — went further than the mainstream record, claiming Cerimedo 'assisted a vast network of CIA assets' manipulating Latin American politics for Washington and helped funnel 'dark money' to Trump-endorsed candidates. We cannot and do not assert that as a finding: the specific claim of CIA direction is single-sourced and undocumented, and we keep it out of our voice as fact — hence the SOME SMOKE grade. But the honest response is not to bury the question, because the surrounding pattern is real and sourced. In the Honduras plot, leaked recordings feature operatives urging colleagues to 'use the tools that the people at the Embassy gave us' and frame their vote-count scheme as carried out 'with US government assistance'; US lobbying money (BGR Group) flowed from the Honduran narco-government toward Marco Rubio's campaign; and Washington has a long, documented history of financing opposition and 'election-observation' infrastructure across Latin America through the NED and USAID. None of that proves the CIA directed Cerimedo — but it makes the funding and foreign-involvement questions legitimate ones the public should be demanding answers to, rather than reflexively dismissing.

§3 · Why It Matters

One operative, four countries, one method

Cerimedo is a single, vivid node in something larger and well-documented: a transnational far-right network that shares strategists, money, media tactics, and a common repertoire — the manufactured “stolen election,” the imported endorsement, the coordinated online swarm. The same operative worked Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, and Honduras; the same U.S. movement lent its brand to each. That pattern — documented, not a grand conspiracy — is the subject of the Far-Right International hub, and it rhymes with the ideological export tracked in the Pretoria Playbook and the domestic disinformation of Sowing Division. The murder-for-hire case is one man’s alleged crime; the network is the story that outlasts him.

Questions we should be demanding answers to

Some of the most important questions here can’t yet be graded fact or fiction — which is a reason to press them, not drop them. We pose these as open questions, not findings:

  • Who financed Cerimedo’s cross-border operations, and is any of the money traceable to US-government programs, US-aligned foundations, or undisclosed “dark money” vehicles?
  • What, precisely, did the US Embassy’s role amount to in the Honduras vote-count scheme captured on the leaked recordings — and why has no US body accounted for it?
  • Does the United States’ long, documented record of election interference in Latin America (via the NED, USAID, and the CIA) extend to this contemporary far-right network — and who has the standing to investigate and disclose it?

We don’t assert the answers. We think the documented pattern makes the questions fair, and that demanding answers is itself part of the accountability this project exists to press for.

§4 · FAQ

Questions worth taking seriously

Aren't you just repeating a Grayzone conspiracy theory?

No. We don’t put the CIA-direction claim in our voice as a finding — it’s unproven and single-sourced. But we don’t dismiss the underlying questions either. The Grayzone has reported on US intelligence and election interference for over a decade, and the surrounding pattern is real and sourced: the Honduras “Embassy” recordings, the BGR→Rubio lobbying money, and Washington’s documented NED/USAID history in the region. So we grade the CIA-network conclusion SOME SMOKE, keep it out of our voice as fact, and instead raise the funding and foreign-involvement questions as ones the public should demand answers to. Every fact graded here comes from mainstream reporting (Guardian, Reuters, El País, The Economist, Globo).

If he's only charged, why name him?

Because the arrest, the CCTV-documented shooting, the preventive-detention order, and his public record as a political operative are all matters of public record, and his influence across four countries makes the case newsworthy regardless of the eventual verdict. We state clearly that he is charged, not convicted, on the attack, and hold the presumption of innocence on his guilt.

§5 · Standing Invitation

If you are named on this page

If you are named on this page, or are a party materially affected by the claims made here, and you wish to respond, correct the record, or add context, use the Contact page. Responses are published verbatim alongside the original claim, with the sender identified and the date of receipt. The channel stays open for the life of the page.

This site aggregates and grades a record that other outlets and primary sources have already put on the record. Every FACT-graded claim above is sourced to court filings, government reports, sworn whistleblower disclosures, published investigative journalism, or named-source statements. The citations are the accountability mechanism; this section is how you get on the record too.

§6 · Sources

The record

▦ Ledger gaps

Help us fill these lines.

This entry is graded on what’s on the public record. These are the blanks we know about. If you can source one, you’re rebuilding the ledger with us.

  • OpenWho financed Cerimedo's cross-border operations, and is any of it traceable to U.S.-government programs, U.S.-aligned foundations, or undisclosed 'dark money' vehicles? (Posed as an open question demanding answers, not a finding.)Help fill this →
  • OpenWhat did the U.S. Embassy's role amount to in the Honduras vote-count scheme captured on the leaked recordings, and why has no U.S. body accounted for it?Help fill this →
  • OpenDoes the U.S. documented record of election interference in Latin America (NED/USAID/CIA) extend to this contemporary far-right network — and who has standing to investigate and disclose it?Help fill this →
  • OpenThe disposition of the Bolivian case against Cerimedo and the Brazilian coup-attempt proceedings.Help fill this →
  • OpenThe full roster of races and candidates his operation has worked across the region.Help fill this →

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